Reform’s destructive radicalism or the fragmented left’s anti-growth progressivism represent a terrible choice. Another bout of Tories ripping into each other would bring that awful choice nearer.
Looking at the chart on polling, I think the rise of Reform to become the larger opposition has more to do with the decline of Labour than the Conservatives.
Since the election, Reform are +16, Conservatives are -6 and Labour are -15. And my guess is that there has been some shift from Con to Ref because of that "largest party effect" that tactical voters will shift.
The real problem isn't the leader. It's 20 years of Conservatives continuing New Labour, to the point where people who were right-ish stopped seeing a reason to support them. Foreign aid, high speed rail, net zero which no-one wanted, but the things they did want (improving law and order, lowering immigration, lowering waste, reforming public services) didn't happen.
You don't just instantly get trust back after disappointing a large chunk of your natural support.
It's policy, not personality. The smart move for the Conservatives would be to position themselves as hardline on migration and ready and willing to stop the demographic and cultural shift to which most people are opposed, but do it in a humane fashion. Although 26% of Brits now support remigration, 52% are opposed to it. If anything that figure will get worse as mass migration continues.
You really need to read Social Identity Theory (Tajfel and Turner). Ingroup cannot really be changed through experience or education. It's pretty much fixed in childhood, and to a lesser extent the teen years. Essentially, it's homophily, the love and preference for one's own culture.
Niall Ferguson looked back at American history. Populism emerged four times for two reasons: the rate of foreign-born citizens rose above 14% and there was a major economic downturn. The talk was called 'A Recipe for Populism' and it was at Google Zeitgeist.
It's not race, it's culture.
The other issue is economics. High per capita growth periods are characterised by tight labour markets. It's switching behaviour. With easily available low cost labour businesses focus on expansion. With tighter labour markets they spend a larger portion of their revenue on capital investments to increase productivity, as well as investing in people. It might seem that this wouldn't apply to service industries like hospitality, but a £20 K+ oven will significantly increase the labour value and PM derived from each chef in a kitchen. This is not my view, but that of Nobel prize winning economist Angus Deaton.
The Conservative Party got rid of Thatcher in 1990. It changed its constitution in 1998 relegating local assocaitions and further 'modernised' by electing Cameron in 2005. Although it kept its name throughout it has not been a conservative party since subordinating itself to Brussels. Debate about who should lead and whether to continue its addiction to regicide is to continue the fantasy, the mirage, that there is still a conservative party.
Looking at the chart on polling, I think the rise of Reform to become the larger opposition has more to do with the decline of Labour than the Conservatives.
Since the election, Reform are +16, Conservatives are -6 and Labour are -15. And my guess is that there has been some shift from Con to Ref because of that "largest party effect" that tactical voters will shift.
The real problem isn't the leader. It's 20 years of Conservatives continuing New Labour, to the point where people who were right-ish stopped seeing a reason to support them. Foreign aid, high speed rail, net zero which no-one wanted, but the things they did want (improving law and order, lowering immigration, lowering waste, reforming public services) didn't happen.
You don't just instantly get trust back after disappointing a large chunk of your natural support.
It's policy, not personality. The smart move for the Conservatives would be to position themselves as hardline on migration and ready and willing to stop the demographic and cultural shift to which most people are opposed, but do it in a humane fashion. Although 26% of Brits now support remigration, 52% are opposed to it. If anything that figure will get worse as mass migration continues.
You really need to read Social Identity Theory (Tajfel and Turner). Ingroup cannot really be changed through experience or education. It's pretty much fixed in childhood, and to a lesser extent the teen years. Essentially, it's homophily, the love and preference for one's own culture.
Niall Ferguson looked back at American history. Populism emerged four times for two reasons: the rate of foreign-born citizens rose above 14% and there was a major economic downturn. The talk was called 'A Recipe for Populism' and it was at Google Zeitgeist.
It's not race, it's culture.
The other issue is economics. High per capita growth periods are characterised by tight labour markets. It's switching behaviour. With easily available low cost labour businesses focus on expansion. With tighter labour markets they spend a larger portion of their revenue on capital investments to increase productivity, as well as investing in people. It might seem that this wouldn't apply to service industries like hospitality, but a £20 K+ oven will significantly increase the labour value and PM derived from each chef in a kitchen. This is not my view, but that of Nobel prize winning economist Angus Deaton.
The Conservative Party got rid of Thatcher in 1990. It changed its constitution in 1998 relegating local assocaitions and further 'modernised' by electing Cameron in 2005. Although it kept its name throughout it has not been a conservative party since subordinating itself to Brussels. Debate about who should lead and whether to continue its addiction to regicide is to continue the fantasy, the mirage, that there is still a conservative party.